Inside Africa: From Fisherman to Pirates: Behind the Gulf of Aden’s New Surge in Piracy
Eunavfor
The Gulf of Aden, once a perilous hotspot for international shipping, is seeing a resurgence of piracy—threatening global trade and the security of all those around. Far from the high seas, however, the roots of this crisis lie onshore—in the fractured and lawless territories of Somalia. Here, militias and warlords—control fragmented regions and have turned piracy into an enterprise that profits from the global economy’s vulnerability. But why is piracy returning, and how are these land-based power struggles directly tied to the threats at sea?
Since the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991, the country has remained near-constant political disarray. This naturally leaves no strong central authority to enforce the rule of law; antagonists have carved out territories, particularly along the coast, where piracy has become a profitable business. The rise of militant groups like al-Shabaab has only worsened the governmental instability. Although focused primarily on land-based activities, the group’s influence and ongoing insurgency have further destabilized Somalia, creating the perfect conditions for piracy to thrive.
The combination of fractured governance and a militant presence has made Somalia’s coastline one of the least secure places in the world, giving rise to a renewed wave of piracy that threatens global shipping routes. Such chaos of central authority has left a vacuum quickly filled by clan leaders and guerrillas. These factions took control of different regions, often prioritizing their power over any notion of national stability. This fractured governance structure is particularly evident along the coast, where warlords hold sway and enforce their laws.
Map created by the information provided in the italian institute for international political (ipsi) studies page on somalia
This map depicts the various regions of Somalia under the control of different political factions after the collapse of the central government in 1991. The country has remained divided into distinct territories dominated by other authorities or movements.
Somaliland (Green): Located in the northwest, Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 after the fall of Somalia’s central government. Although not internationally recognized, it operates as a de facto independent state with its government. Unlike other regions of Somalia, Somaliland has maintained relative stability, with a functioning political system and infrastructure. This region does not experience the same level of conflict and piracy as the south.
Puntland (Blue): Puntland declared itself an autonomous region in the northeast in 1998. Although it does not seek complete independence like Somaliland, Puntland has its own government and security forces. The area is strategically important due to its coastline along the Gulf of Aden. While it initially opposed piracy, there have been allegations that local officials sometimes look the other way or even participate in pirate activities.
Transitional National Government (Red): A small area in central Somalia, the seat of Somalia's internationally recognized government, initially established in 2000. The government has struggled to control much of the country, especially outside Mogadishu's capital, where its influence remains limited.
Southwestern Somalia (Dark Blue): This region in the south is controlled by various factions and warlords, along with the militant group al-Shabaab, which has been involved in insurgent activities against the government. Southwestern Somalia is characterized by frequent conflict, making it one of the most unstable parts of the country.
Due to lawlessness, the Gulf of Aden has become one of the most dangerous waters. This shipping lane is vital in the Gulf of Aden, where roughly 80% of the world’s trade passes through. , it has become one of the most dangerous waters. As the central
government continues to struggle with internal cohesion, criminal enterprises, especially piracy, have taken root along the coast. Local warlords and militias, profitingProfits are made from the
lucrative ransoms, ensuring these operations run smoothly while maintaining control over local
populations
These groups act as enforcers, ensuring rival factions or regional authorities do not disrupt piracy operations. These militias are well-armed and well-financed, making them formidable regional forces. Their control over key coastal territories means they can dictate terms to pirate groups and the coastal communities they govern. For many coastal Somalis, pirates are seen not as criminals but as providers, injecting money into local economies that have few legitimate income sources.
Puntland offers a striking example of how local authorities sometimes tolerate or encourage piracy. Though the regional government officially opposes piracy, allegations persist that some factions within Puntland’s leadership support pirate activities or look the other way in exchange for a share of the proceeds. These allegations are difficult to prove, but the economic realities of Puntland offer a potential explanation.
Puntland is economically underdeveloped and needs more resources to provide essential services and pay government salaries. Piracy, while illegal, has become a significant source of foreign currency, and the wealth generated from ransoms often trickles down into the local economy. Markets thrive with the cash pirates inject, and local businesses rely on the influx of pirate money to stay afloat. In such an environment, it is understandable why some officials might hesitate to clamp down too hard on pirates, fearing it could destabilize the already fragile economy.
Piracy offers these groups a steady and reliable income stream, which is critical in a country where formal economic structures have collapsed. Ransoms from international shipping companies—reaching upwards of US$400 million—allow these
warlords to fund their militias, the purchase of arms, and the expanse of their territorial influence. In a country where the central government struggles to pay its military, warlords backed by pirate profits hold a decisive advantage, undermining efforts to reestablish national control. The relationship between acts of piracy (arms purchasing, ship hijacking, etc.), ransom, and pirate financiers create what is known as the piracy money model or “trickle round economics." This money model has become a highly lucrative industry.
The central government in Mogadishu has little authority over Puntland, and solid national governance is necessary for local officials to manage their territories as they see fit. In coastal areas under Puntland’s jurisdiction, the lack of strict oversight allows piracy to flourish, particularly when the state has no viable economic alternative to offer its people.
The resurgence of piracy in the Gulf of Aden is not a problem confined to Somalia alone. Regional instability in the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula contributes significantly to the challenges of maintaining security in these waters. The ongoing civil war in Yemen, located directly across the Gulf, has destabilized the maritime environment on the opposite coast, creating opportunities for Somali pirates to expand their operations into Yemeni waters.
Furthermore, the region's instability hampers efforts to combat piracy through coordinated international and regional strategies. With a stable Somali state to cooperate with, neighboring countries and international naval forces can achieve what they can. Pirates exploit these weaknesses, taking advantage of unpatrolled waters and poorly coordinated security responses to strike at vulnerable vessels.
The need for a unified regional response to piracy has significantly contributed to the problem. Somalia's fragmented political landscape, combined with conflicts in nearby countries, has created a haven for maritime crime, where pirates can move between territories without fear of a cohesive crackdown.
The resurgence of piracy in the Gulf of Aden has severe implications for global trade. This stretch of water is one of the most important shipping routes in the world, used by thousands of vessels annually to transport goods through the Suez Canal. The threat of piracy in these waters has driven up costs for shipping companies, which are forced to reroute vessels, hire private security, or pay exorbitant insurance premiums to cover potential risks.
International naval forces, such as NATO's Operation OCEAN SHIELD and the European Union’s Operation Atalanta, have made some progress in reducing piracy incidents. However, these efforts have been largely reactive, focused on preventing pirate attacks at sea rather than addressing the root causes of piracy onshore. As long as Somalia’s internal instability persists, pirates will continue to find opportunities to exploit the region’s lawless waters.
Tackling piracy in the Gulf of Aden requires more than just maritime security. While international naval patrols can mitigate the immediate threat to shipping, long-term solutions must address the underlying issues onshore. Somalia’s central government needs support in rebuilding its institutions and asserting control over its territories, particularly in regions like Puntland.
Shutterstock/byvalet
Disarming those who profit from piracy will be a significant challenge. These groups have little incentive to give up their revenue streams, especially when there are few alternatives for economic survival. Any successful strategy must offer viable economic alternatives for Somalia’s coastal communities, including investment in legitimate industries like fishing, trade, and tourism. Comment here on the safety of tourism in this area.
International aid aimed at rebuilding Somalia’s economy and governance structures is crucial. Without providing the country with a stable foundation for growth, piracy will remain an attractive option for those living in coastal regions where opportunities are scarce. Moreover, a coordinated international effort to support Somalia's political recovery is essential to undermine the power of those who have long profited from the country's instability.
While international naval patrols can reduce piracy at sea, the problem’s roots lie on land, where political instability and economic desperation drive ordinary people into the arms of warlords and pirate syndicates. Stabilizing Somalia and offering alternative revenue streams to piracy are critical for securing one of the world’s most vital shipping corridors.
