Third Way: What Being Black And Running For President Means in 2020
New Jersey National Guard & aSILVA | Flickr Creative Commons
In November 2008 Barack Obama made history by becoming the first black President of the United States of America. The ability of a person of color to attain the highest office in the country did away with the idea that only white men could succeed and inspired the black community to become more politically active. Indeed, Obama was supported by 95 and 93 percent of African-American voters in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, respectively, in what appeared to be the crescendo of black identity politics. Symbolism aside, however, the Obama administration’s actual impact on black communities was less profound than expected. Economically African-Americans still suffered disproportionately under his tenure, with black unemployment levels in the double digits until well into his second term, a fact no doubt aggravated by the Great Recession and its persistent “Black Mancession.” In the field of criminal justice, while Obama managed to secure reduced sentencing for crack-cocaine, little reform was implemented and the rising racial tensions and racially motivated police shootings were not curbed. Only in education and community activism did Obama make headway with his “My Brother’s Keeper” program launched in 2014.
Still, when Obama left office in 2017 his approval rating among blacks remained high at 92 percent leading many to believe that black candidates would command support from black voters whatever their policies. However, the democratic divide among African-Americans in regards to support for Cory Booker and Kamala Harris, two high-profile black politicians vying for the Democratic nomination in 2020, illustrates that politics in the black community are more complicated than simple identity politics. Indeed, the lack of unconditional support among blacks at a time when the incumbent president presents himself as anathema to African-American interests shows that black communities have reevaluated their criteria for supporting public figures and that simply being black no longer guarantees support with black interest policy now taking center stage.
Opposition against these candidates has taken on different forms despite their racial identities. Sen. Kamala Harris can still make history if she wins the presidency, namely by being the first black woman to hold the office. However, it is her background in other public offices that have led to fierce opposition against her, especially her positions as District Attorney of San Francisco and later Attorney General of California. Specifically, opponents focus on her policies in those posts and the various legal arguments she pursued. Examples are her lack of support for prosecution of police officers accused of racially motivated violence, her campaign to prosecute negligent parents to combat truancy (which inevitably disproportionately targeted minority communities due to the socio-economic conditions that prevented adequate parental enforcement of school attendance), and her stance on opposing prison reform in order to maintain cheap sources of state labor. These positions on key issues to African-American communities have come to haunt her as many black voters are dismayed by her apparent lack of concern.
Across the country from New Jersey is Cory Booker who at first glance seems like the natural successor to Obama. Both are black men who faced discrimination first hand and resided in depressed areas at some point in their lives (common themes in the experiences of African-American men) before attending a slew of Ivy League level universities and achieving remarkable success in public office. However, while Booker may share elements of his identity with Obama and the larger black community, many doubt his sincerity and are often confused by his political actions and ridiculous analogies, such as his stories of an imaginary black drug dealer named T-Bone serving as an allegory of the plight of African-Americans. Furthermore, Booker has come under fire due to his political positions, especially his affinity to Big Pharma and Finance lobbyists (both of which have contributed significantly to his campaign coffers over the years) and his apparent willingness to support their agendas in the Senate even when they risk hurting low-income communities (a majority of which are largely black) such as when he crossed the aisle in 2017 and joined Republicans in voting against lifting the prohibition on importing cheaper pharmaceuticals from Canada.
Understanding this opposition, the candidates are pursuing a two-pronged approach to attempt to win the black vote. The first is the social strategy of courting black voters and their communities. Both Booker and Harris are acutely aware of their black identities and, unlike Obama, have tailored their campaigns around the image of being black. Harris announced her candidacy on Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Booker followed on the first day of Black History Month, beginning his video with a farcical “whassup” as a way to realign his persona with the inner-city streets of Newark, an association that he consistently reminds the public of throughout the video. However, through their reticence the African-American community has signaled that their support will not be given to the “blackest” candidate, rather it will follow their political message and expect them to deliver on policies designed to help more than the community’s image. Black communities want to see action on crucial fronts such as police violence, the racial wealth gap, and proposals for reparations to slavery and other discriminatory policies throughout the 20th century, such as federal housing discrimination and Jim Crow-style regulations on black freedoms. The latter issue has become a key point of the American Decedents of Slaves hashtag movement on social media (#ADOS) which has castigated Kamala Harris for being a descendant for immigrants of color, claiming that she does not understand the historical struggles of true African-Americans and that her priorities align more with improving the lives of immigrants than those of American blacks.
Furthermore, since the Obama presidency, many African-Americans seem to be wary of token black candidates and “black phishing” by the democratic party. Drawing a connection between the fact that most black candidates are not “really” black (alluding to their light complexion) and the fact that the Democratic Party seems cautious of presenting a “real” black candidate for the Presidency, many claim that black interests are not properly served due to fears of alienating or even “scaring away” white voters. Still, both candidates maintain that they are proponents of black success and point to their stances on political issues that demonstrate that fact. However, many people in the Democratic African-American communities, all aware of the important stances of the wider party on issues such as immigration and LGBT rights, claim that both Booker and Harris tend to tow the party line rather than advocate first and foremost for socio-economic revival in black communities.
The second strategy employed is the political option of courting members of the influential Congressional Black Caucus (CBC). Both candidates have targeted members of the CBC in the hopes that the support of major political leaders in the African-American community will energize black constituencies to side with one of them in the upcoming Democratic primaries. While Booker, with four years of seniority over Harris in the Senate, has deeper ties with these influential black politicians, many have been hesitant to endorse him due to the flagrant divide within their constituencies. Similarly, Harris has not received the levels of support anticipated, even among black female congressional representatives, although the recent endorsement by Barbara Lee last Thursday may lead to future success. The political option is an important avenue for both candidates since endorsements from political leaders of black constituencies would go a long way in filling the gaps of support that have appeared due to the candidates’ apparent noncommittal attitude to many of the black community’s chief concerns.
The future distribution of the African-American vote is uncertain and may even go to non-black politicians with captivating progressive political positions, such as Bernie Sanders and his Democratic Socialist cronies. However, the glaring divide over the two major black candidates in the current Democratic primary race shows that in the post-Obama era identity is taking a backseat to policy, a welcome development in a political era that has seen tumultuous upheaval since 2016.
