Third Way: Mayor Pete And The Center's Future
Daniel Acker/Bloomberg
As the Biden-Harris transition team becomes populated and plans are drawn up for the President-elect's ascendancy to the White House, the then limping campaign of the former-vice-president on the eve of super-Tuesday feels jarring. The race seemed to be between Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, a favourite of young progressives, and the relatively unknown mayor of South Bend, Indiana, Pete Buttigieg. After performing far better than expected in the Iowa and New Hampshire primaries, Buttigieg's bid for the presidency dissolved in Nevada and finally disappeared in South Carolina.
Instead of disappearing, the mayor used his newfound political capital to endorse Joe Biden for the Democratic nomination. That endorsement, along with endorsements from other moderates, secured Biden the nomination, and now the Presidency. With Biden on his way to the White House, it is expected that Buttigieg will have a place in Biden's cabinet, cashing in for his campaign work. Biden has indicated this and more for Mayor Pete, even saying the former mayor reminded him of his late son Beau because of his integrity, brilliance, and ambition.
With support like that from the President-elect, it is apparent that Buttigieg's political career has just begun. The mayor will have much more ahead of him politically, and his advances will be inspired both by his centrist approach to leftist policies, as well as his traditional Midwestern character. Although there will be many difficulties gaining far-reaching Democratic support, as Buttigieg experienced from his loss in South Carolina, the good-natured former mayor seems poised to reinvigorate the center of the Democratic party, making him a future leader of the left.
Buttigieg's fame in the 2020 Democratic Primary came from a seemingly contradictory blend of futuristic intellectualism and traditional character. A graduate of Harvard and a Rhodes Scholar who studied at Oxford, Buttigieg seems like a textbook political intellectual. Yet his commitment to service, visible through his time spent in Afghanistan and his mayoral runs for the mostly unheard-of city of South-Bend, Indiana, does a good juxtaposing his cerebral personality and his decency.
Alongside that is his diminutive humour and graciousness for his political accomplishments, both of which nonetheless veneer an ambition to enact his vision of the future. Buttigieg balances new versus old democrat in his private life too. With his husband Chasten, who did exceptionally well humanizing Buttigieg on the primary campaign trail, the former mayor managed to combine Hoosier civility and Midwestern-Christian faith with innovative ways to improve his hometown. Coming out amdist LGBTQ fights which were earning Indiana a reputation as one of the most anti-gay states proved his authenticity even more.
The bridging of two generations, which should be the slogan of Pete for President, extends into the mayor's policies. While largely progressive, they carry a much-needed pragmatism that the left-wing of the party feels compelled to ignore. He attacked Sanders for as much in his final campaign speech, claiming Sanders wanted an "inflexible, ideological revolution." Admittedly, this was a turn of heel from the young Buttigieg, who likened Sanders to a John F. Kennedy quotation arguing that ideal politicians "should not be too hasty in condemning all compromise as bad morals... for politics and legislation are not matters for inflexible principles or unattainable ideals.” He extended his claims of impracticability to Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and her mandatory health-care for all plan.
Moving towards the center in 2020 was both a side-effect of Buttigieg's campaigning and also a gradual ideological shift towards moderation. His 2020 policies reflected this pragmatic progressivism. He supports a regulated economy, but a fundamentally free one. In South Bend, the mayor has done a successful job improving infrastructure, using private investment instead of government money to spur city development. His idea of "Medicare for all who want it," rejection of free college (but making it "dramatically more affordable"), and green infrastructure plans feel entirely like Biden's current ambitions. What separates the two is that Buttigieg is willing to be more experimental in his revitalization of democracy.
Perhaps his most radical policies are the ones which attract the most eyes. Buttigieg supports abolishing the electoral college, derived from his "thirst for fairness" and his belief that state power would still be protected without it. He has talked about a 15 justice Supreme Court, split between five Republicans, five Democrats, and five other members selected by the first ten. Buttigieg also supports statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico, citing a need for them to present in the democratic process.
Although an opponent of the electoral college, Buttigieg has a healthy respect for American institutions, wanting to, in his own words, "build trust in government, not tear it down". In his most recent book, Trust, Buttigieg argues that increased trust in American leaders and institutions arises from greater citizen participation in democracy. That could see future Buttigieg embrace programs such as citizen's assemblies and, more likely, a national service program to bring Americans together. All of this is an effort to curb the cynicism which defines his generation and current American politics. He seems to be taking the words of Hannah Ardent to heart.
Buttigieg is what Biden hopes to be for America: he has actionable plans and a clear value which choreographs his vision for the country and for his party. Like Biden, Buttigieg seems to be a political chameleon; his agenda is not set in stone but reflective of the times. Buttigieg supports a public option as a way into Medicare for All, but this leaves open the possibility for him to change tune depending on the country's direction. In some eyes, he is a progressive wolf in moderate sheep's clothing. Yet his centrism is similar to Biden's, and his ideas are less progressive than they are simply little-d Democratic. He has even stated that electoral college reform is "non-partisan." His political practicality is a useful tool to have.
From South Bend To Capitol Hill
It is undeniable that Buttigieg will find himself in Biden's cabinet. The mayor has established a close relationship with the President-elect. The inclusion of Buttigieg on Biden's transition advisory board could indicate a position close to the President-elect, one where the mayor could learn from Biden's wealth of experience. His apt performance at the primary debates and talent for smooth-talking makes him a viable candidate for the 2024 Presidential election, perhaps to the chagrin of vice-president-elect Kamala Harris.
With his command of languages and foreign policy knowledge, Buttigieg could make a good Ambassador to the UN. That said, the mayor lacks the obvious experience (both in foreign policy and generally) expected for the role. Other possibilities include Secretary of Veteran Affairs or a place in the Office of Management and Budget, which would let Buttigieg hone his organizational and budgetary skills. The latter plays a critical and under looked role in the executive branch, considering it not only has control over executive appointments, but is also present in certain National Security Council meetings.
Whatever position the mayor receives, it is likely he will find himself among other cabinet members from outside Capitol Hill. The President-elect will have a tough time cherry-picking Democratic Senators for his cabinet. Many would-be candidates could find their seat turning red after a special election or appointment by a Republican governor, making a Senate that is already likely to go right even more obstructive. This will likely force Biden to look for people like Buttigieg: talented Democratic leaders from outside of Washington.
A 2024 Buttigieg campaign could be successful if the mayor hones his skill. He would also have to work much harder for Black voters. His results in the South Carolina primary were crushing. This was in part due to the chaos around endorsements of his "Douglass Plan," which itself was overly-ambitious and unworkable in the eyes of some Black voters. Further struggles with this demographic are his relative progressivism, as Democratic Black voters are more moderate than liberal, according to a survey from Pew Research Center. Blacks tend to be even more conservative culturally, with only 52% of black Americans approving of same-sex marriage, making Buttigieg's sexuality a peripheral barrier of entry with that community. Trump's seemingly surprising inroads with Black, and, specifically, Black male voters this past election is not an encouraging sign either.
Yet, the role of the president is more than just a leadership position; it is an example for the whole of politics and the country to follow. Buttigieg can be that example. With younger voters supporting the more unforgiving left-wing political figures, such as Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, a politics based around meeting people where they are and good-faith debate is going out of fashion. As a combination of tradition and liberalism, moderation and progressivism, and empathy and ambition, Buttigieg seems intent on keeping good character a keystone his political future.
Wherever Buttigieg finds himself in the coming years, he is likely to reach new heights and set records. He undeniably has more work to do as a politician. His many blends leave the edges of his policies vague, and his movement through that vagueness may seem like standard political opportunism to voters. His unpopularity among black voters will be a significant hamper to any bid for the Presidency, and his moderation may make him unpopular to the young. Yet he balances this, as he has a knack for doing, by bringing a compellingly professional and human character to his politics. It seems likely that he will become a top millennial leader of the democratic party. This is something to look forward to.
