Third Way: Afghanistan Update, Uncertain Future

imageBROKER/Michael Runkel

In Fort Pickett in Virginia, Enayatullah Sadat eagerly waited for weeks for the determination by the U.S. Dept. of State on the decision of his refugee resettlement paperwork confirming whether he will be granted asylum. Unfortunately, his story is not unique—not by a longshot. Currently, in eight military bases throughout the U.S., thousands of refugees from Afghanistan reside with an indefinite future. In the aftermath of the withdrawal of U.S., NATO, and contractor forces from Afghanistan, which occupied the rural Asian country, those that assisted these forces on a myriad of issues ranging from translation to aid work are currently in danger. However, in the months post-withdrawal, the stories of those refugees are all but a distant thought of the general American populace. Yet, as demonstrated by the number of those in need of resettlement, this is an issue that will be ongoing for the foreseeable future.

Background

The U.S. fully withdrew from Afghanistan after nearly two decades of occupation on Aug. 31 of this year. Unfortunately, the withdrawal was anything but orderly, initiating a rush to evacuate troops, protect civilians from ISIS-K (an Afghan offshoot of ISIS), negotiate logistics with the Taliban, which occupied Kabul, and work to get as many future refugees onto transport planes as possible.

During the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, the U.S. implemented two special visa programs, the Priority-2 (P-2) and Special Immigrant Visa (SIV), which allowed those that assisted the U.S. in military and aid programs the opportunity to apply to be resettled in the U.S. in order to avoid reprisals. The visa programs started as a genuinely beneficial program that would protect those that helped the U.S.; however, the implementation of that system broke down quickly.

Refugees currently face a maze of bureaucracy and waiting times which often take years for individuals to tackle. In addition, years of understaffing, inadequate funding, inaction from both houses of Congress, and a de facto shuttering of the visa program by the previous presidential administration have caused this issue to fester.

This issue plagued the Obama administration, and with former President Trump effectively closing down the visa process during his term, the plight of refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan only worsened. Coupled with pushback from states and governors to accept refugees and welcome those fleeing violence and hostility from congressional Republicans on accepting refugees from Latin America and Syria, the issue became politically toxic.

Current State

In the wake of all these aforementioned issues—bureaucratic and political—Afghan refugees entered an environment that both stalled their approval and demagogued them, despite those same refugees saving countless lives. Whether directly working for the U.S. and coalition forces, international NGOs and NPOs, or in Afghan-based aid organizations, many ordinary Afghans served their country by protecting their countrymen and women from the damage caused by the war. These Afghans built institutions and kept their fragile country running during the war, and due to the rapid withdrawal, all of their work has created a target on their back.

According to the UNHCR, Afghans comprise 2.6 million of the refugees displaced worldwide, with an additional 3.5 million internally displaced. Prior to the U.S. withdrawal, Iran and Pakistan hosted 80% of Afghan refugees -about 2.2 million individuals- with the EU hosting 400,00 and the U.S. hosting a mere 2,000 according to the Council on Foreign Relations. However, in light of the events post-Aug. 31, each country will need to step up more, considering an estimated half a million more Afghans will flee by the end of the year.

So far, the U.S. is hosting approximately 37,000, along with efforts via the Biden administration lobbying Congress to provide funding for 65,000 by the end of Nov. Additionally, the administration plans to host another 95,000 more Afghans by Sept. 2022, provided it can secure the necessary funding.

The effort to settle that number of refugees should be applauded. Yet, many states continue to refuse to admit a sufficient number of refugees, with some failing to slate any number of refugees—according to current projections. Coupled with debates over funding the government overall, the prospects of refugees resettling in the U.S. appears to be tenuous at this juncture, especially with the story largely absent from headlines.

Argument

Those Afghans who assisted the U.S. and coalition forces -comprised of NATO service members- and international and domestic NGOs and NPOs faced and still face real danger from both the Taliban and ISIS-K. By no means can the current administration entirely be held responsible for the calamity that ensued in Afghanistan as the U.S. withdrew; however, the current issue of resettling refugees that have escaped violence is the responsibility of the Biden administration.

The U.S. is more than able to settle refugees within the U.S. through federal agencies and through NPOs and NGOs if it makes significant in-roads to build partnerships—a practice that is common in governmental administration and refugee resettlement. Yes, the number is steep; however, so is the cost of war. The U.S. chose to occupy Afghanistan for nearly two decades, and whilst there, the U.S. received ample aid from Afghanis that wanted their country to overcome the Taliban; a result that did not come to pass.

The U.S. by far maintained the most extensive presence in the country of any nation, but as demonstrated by countries such as Iran and Pakistan and the EU bloc, the U.S. is not pulling its weight nor owning up to the human debt it caused by waging the country’s longest war. Additionally, the processing times and the number of almost impossible to achieve obstacles to gain a P-2/SIV can and should either be dramatically streamlined, or the U.S. should instead lean more on granting humanitarian parole and address this resettlement issue as the humanitarian crisis that it is.

Humanitarian parole is already a long-established process and allows refugees to settle in the U.S. more readily, where they can apply for and receive citizenship. This process is typically used for urgent humanitarian crises, seen in the case of the aftermath of natural disasters like the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, but is also used for situations such as the one Afghans are in currently. In addition, political violence as a cause for parole has been used in the case of Hungary, Vietnam, and even recently in the case of Iraq and Afghanistan.

Undoubtedly, these efficiencies will solve the process here in the U.S.; however, the most urgent issue is the locating and evacuation of those in need of evacuation that are subjected to threats and violence if they remain in Afghanistan or are subjected to danger and exploitation if they opt to attempt fleeing the country.

Conclusion

The future remains painfully uncertain for those currently awaiting their visa to enter the U.S. and begin the resettlement process. Despite the U.S.’ history of demagoguing refugees and immigrants, dating back to the foundation of the country, this provides a unique opportunity to right a massive wrong. Individuals such as Sadat and their families also deserve to be resettled and welcome as newly minted Afghan-Americans and, more importantly, neighbors.